Jan. 6 hearings, Trump, and a secular white Christian nationalism
Jan. 6 hearings today will talk a lot about Trump and Republican misdeeds. But we need to focus on the secular white Christian nationalism infecting America.
There is a lot to say (and worry) about the election-denying, culture-warrioring, satanic-conspiracy-theorizing slate of pro-Trump Republican politicians running for election and re-election in national, state and local primaries. There is similarly a lot to say and worry about Big Lie zealotry, highlighted by the Jan. 6 hearings. The danger doesn’t just lie with what proponents of a stolen election — including Republican politicians — did in the lead-up to the insurrection; it’s what they are doing now to undermine future elections and reframe election challenges as a “crusade.”
When describing these trends, their consequences for democracy, and their potential for fomenting violence, many scholars and critics have adopted the term “white Christian nationalism.”
When describing these trends, their consequences for democracy, and their potential for fomenting violence, many scholars and critics have adopted the term “white Christian nationalism.” As a concept, white Christian nationalism does important rhetorical work: to emphasize the “deep stories” at the core of many far-right beliefs and to highlight how religious fundamentalism is driving millions to embrace anti-democratic ideals.
At the same time, the term has its limits for one basic reason: A great deal of what is described as white Christian nationalism is secular. Many of its most enduring talking points — even the ones that swirl through evangelical churches — originate from cable news outlets like Fox News. Prominent evangelists are cable television personalities and are propped up not by churches but by networks of dark money organizations. Centering Christian belief and identity also fails to explain how so many people who have never stepped foot inside an evangelical church end up with beliefs — most conspicuously those related to a stolen 2020 election — that mirror those espoused by “insurrectionist Christians.”
These secular energies do not mean that a focus on Christianity is unfounded. Nonreligious framings, for instance the Biden administration’s adoption of the term “ultra-MAGA” to describe the pro-insurrectionist wing of the Republican Party, miss the full picture as well. What we need is a framework for describing the far-right that builds on what we know about Christian belief and identity while accounting for secular media and influences. Something more hybrid — and much more difficult to pin down — is happening, and we need to explain what, how and why if we hope to have any hope of pushing back effectively.
Rating: 5